Therefore, there is no need to discuss a constitutional amendment at present.

In recent elections in the lower house of parliament, the ruling coalition won more than a majority of the re-elected seats. There are three main reasons for this. First, Japanese citizens crave political stability. Second, Japan's economy has been growing moderately in recent years. Although the social security problem remains severe and the fiscal situation is grim, key indicators such as employment and tax revenue have improved significantly. Third, the opposition's power and influence are scattered, making it difficult to compete with the LDP. On the other hand, however, the Lib Dems lost as many as 10 seats in this election. In addition to losing seats, the LDP failed to secure more than half of the lower house seats on its own. As a result, Mr Abe has lost the crucial two-thirds majority needed to support constitutional change. Looking to the work ahead, Mr. Abe said in an interview after the election that "as a mission, the constitutional amendment will definitely be pushed forward during the rest of my term." Specific measures outlined include:

First, work has already been done to secure a two-thirds majority in Congress, a prerequisite for change. One option for Mr Abe is to build a grand coalition. During the campaign, he often mentioned admiringly that the DPP, as a new partner, also had some politicians who were positive about revising the constitution. At the same time, he criticized the Constitutional Democratic Party, which has rejected any amendments. By cozying up to one party while criticizing the other, divisions within the opposition have been sharpened and may deepen.

The DPP is the most complex of Japan's political parties. On the issue of constitutional amendment, it is highly unlikely that parties such as the Constitutional Democratic Party, the Socialist Party, the Communist Party, Reih and Shinizumi will cooperate with the Abe administration. In this regard, DPFP is a key potential partner. In particular, Abe has repeatedly expressed his desire to implement the new constitution in 2020, as time is tight with his term in the LDP ending in September 2021. It is therefore expected that he will do all he can to facilitate cooperation with the DPFP. The most likely scenario is a grand coalition that includes the DPFP. While the DPP's support rating has hovered around 1 percent since it was founded, the results have further weakened the party. Given the political carrot, how the DPFP responds to this temptation will naturally concern Japan's political establishment.

It was formed in May 2018 as part of a merger between the remaining centrist and right-leaning members of the Democratic Party and members of the centre-right Hope Party. The centrist Liberal Party was merged into the party in April 2019. The DPP hopes to win moderate votes and take a "middle ground" between the conservative Liberal Democratic Party and the left-wing Communist and Social Democratic Party. On the one hand, the party has some ideological similarities with the Constitutional Democratic Party, but the DPFP claims to be a strong party that includes centrists as well as liberal conservatives and that serves the Japanese people at its core. Although the Democratic Party is composed mainly of the "liberal" elite, the coexistence of "stable conservatives" and "liberalism" makes the DPP a swing party. On related security issues such as amending the constitution, the party on the one hand says it opposes amending Article 9 of the constitution, on the other hand it says it is unrealistic not to recognize the existence of the Self-Defense Forces.

Second, Abe put further pressure on New Komeito. The New Komeito party, part of the ruling coalition, has been negative about constitutional change. New Komeito has kept a relatively low profile under the pressure, in sharp contrast to the high-profile amendment issue in this election for lower house lawmakers. New Komeito is expected to play a balancing role in the ruling coalition. After Abe returned to power in 2012, the LDP and New Komeito formed a coalition government again. The three subsequent elections for New Komeito lawmakers, in 2013, 2016 and 2019, saw steady gains in seats, but in the lower house elections, the volatility of New Komeito seats in recent years has been a loud warning to the party. New Komeito, for example, increased its seats from 21 to 31 in the 2012 election and by four seats in 2014. However, in the 2017 lower house elections, the party lost five seats. This is widely believed to be because New Komeito failed to act as a brake when the LDP lifted its ban on collective self-defence. Moreover, with fewer seats in the House of Representatives, New Komeito's ability to act as a check and balance is naturally diminished. Far-right politicians in the FDP do not even see a need to govern with such a small party. It's a vicious circle. If it continues, it will be fatal to New Komeito.